I'm going to post up a collection of notes i made today from a variety of sources.
"This
is the totalitarian state, (not yet named as such) that they saw growing around
them, especially in fascism. But not only in fascism. In the
enlightenment even the liberal democracies saw coercion at the core of the
political regimes. One of the things that Horkheimer and, and Adorno argue in
the introduction to Dialectic of Enlightenment is that, there is no alternative
to enlightenment that people in modernity can imagine in respectable terms. All
forms of knowledge are pulled into the enlightenment mould and are pressured to
conform to the scientific or technological model of understanding. There is no
alternative to it. The technological and scientific models of understanding
will debunk religion, political pieties and, of course, magic. It wants to
absorb everything within its paradigm. For Horkheimer and Adorno that’s what
makes it a myth – that it wants to provide an explanation for every form of
cognition. There’s nothing outside the enlightenment."
“Regression
of the masses today lies in their inability to hear with their own
ears what has not already been heard, to touch with their hands what has not
previously been grasped; it is the new form of blindness which supersedes that
of vanquished myth.”
With this quote
they were trying to remind us that there are forms of art that we might open
our ears and eyes to, but there were great forces in social praxis and social
coercion and the homogenization of society that limit what we can hear and take
pleasure from, limit what we can see and consider as art.
Michel Foucault
MICHEL FOUCAULT (PHOTO CREDIT: WIKIPEDIA)
Foucault
was an historian, a philosopher, a writer on art and literature, an
activist and a bit of a trickster in some ways as well. He was a leader of
French Postmodernism insofar as he was rigorously antifoundational. He, didn’t
want to find the ‘really real’, nor a total dialectic. He wanted to tell the
story of progress in such a way that we would see how what we thought of as
progress was actually a form of greater social control and homogenization. He
told that story not because he thought it had objective truth but because he
thought that alternative accounts of how we came to be who we are might
actually open up possibilities for us to change who we would be in the future.
He delighted in
showing how the pursuit of anti-conformity often lead to more conformity
because you concretize or make too stable some alternatives, you make them into
identity markers that then become their own forces of conformity. For example Foucault
in his History of Sexuality wanted to show how the fluidity of sexuality gets
increasingly controlled over time, especially in the modern period. Especially
when people think they’re pursuing sexual freedom, they create new categories
for how you should pursue sexual freedom, new forms of identity to which you
should conform even if that identity is outside of the main stream. This is
Foucault’s great subject. How we, in a way, police ourselves.
The
Subject and Power
Foucault, Michel. "The Subject and Power." In Michel Foucault:
Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, edited by H. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, pp. 208-226. 2nd ed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1983.
Original Publication: Le sujet et le
pouvoir (Gallimard, D&E Vol.4 1982)
"the main objective
of these struggles is to attack not so much "such or such" an
institution of power, or group, or elite, or class but rather a technique, a
form of power. This form of power applies itself to immediate everyday life
which categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches
him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him which he must recognize
and which others have to recognize in him. It is a form of power which makes
individuals subjects. There are two meanings of the word "subject":
subject to someone else by control and dependence; and tied to his own identity
by a conscience or self-knowledge. Both meanings suggest a form of power which
subjugates and makes subject to. "
"This does not
deny the importance of institutions on the establishment of power relations.
Instead, I wish to suggest that one must analyze institutions from the
standpoint of power relations, rather than vice versa, and that the fundamental
point of anchorage of the relationships, even if they are embodied and
crystallized in an institution, is to be found outside the institution."
"What,
therefore, would be proper to a relationship of power is that it be a mode of
action upon actions. That is to say, power relations are rooted deep in the
social nexus, not reconstituted "above" society as a supplementary
structure whose radical effacement one could perhaps dream of."
"Foucault
challenges the idea that power is wielded by people or groups by way of
‘episodic’ or ‘sovereign’ acts of domination or coercion, seeing it instead as
dispersed and pervasive. ‘Power is everywhere’ and ‘comes from everywhere’ so
in this sense is neither an agency nor a structure (Foucault 1998: 63). Instead
it is a kind of ‘metapower’ or ‘regime of truth’ that pervades society, and
which is in constant flux and negotiation. Foucault uses the term
‘power/knowledge’ to signify that power is constituted through accepted forms
of knowledge, scientific understanding and ‘truth’"
"Foucault is
one of the few writers on power who recognise that power is not just a
negative, coercive or repressive thing that forces us to do things against our
wishes, but can also be a necessary, productive and positive force in society
(Gaventa 2003: 2)"
"A key point
about Foucault’s approach to power is that it transcends politics and sees
power as an everyday, socialised and embodied phenomenon. This is why
state-centric power struggles, including revolutions, do not always lead to
change in the social order. For some, Foucault’s concept of power is so elusive
and removed from agency or structure that there seems to be little scope for
practical action. But he has been hugely influential in pointing to the ways
that norms can be so embedded as to be beyond our perception – causing us to
discipline ourselves without any wilful coercion from others."
POWER/KNOWLEDGE
Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 Michel Foucault (panthoen books, new york, 1980)
+
DISCIPLINE AND
PUNISH : The Birth of the Prison (vintage)
Hierarchical
observation The exercise of discipline presupposes a mechanism that coerces by
means of observation; an apparatus in which the techniques that make it
possible to see induce effects of power, and in which, conversely, the means of
coercion make those on whom they are applied clearly visible. (pg170)
The efficiency o f
power, its constraining force have, in a sense, passed over to the other side -
to the side o f its surface o f application. He who is subjected to a field o f
visibility, and who knows it, assumes responsibility for the constraints o f
power; he makes them play spontaneously upon himself; he inscribes in himself
the in which he simultaneously plays both roles; he becomes the principle of
his own subjection. (202)
Foucault says
it is better to forget the State in our struggle against power, and instead,
concentrate on local struggles
Can
smart mobs help by allowing us to organize even more appropriate and more
mobilized counter-power protests, and offer a more sophisticated avenue for
defending democratic liberties and personal rights? It may be possible that
coordination and cooperation, brought about by smart mob technologies, will
help us to acquire new forms of social power by organizing just in time and
just in place. Perhaps the real power of smart mob technologies lies in their
ability to act as agents of change; one group at a time, one place at a time.
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